Section III: Composer, Work, Biography
Part 1
Wednesday, 3rd November 2010
3.00 - 6.00 pm
DHI, Musikgeschichtliche Abteilung, Lesesaal
Program
15.00 Claudio Monteverdi und das Sonett
Sara Jeffe
15.30 Musikalische und kulturelle Identität in den Notationen des 'Alī Ufķī (Lwów
um 1610 – Istanbul um 1675)
Judith Haug
16.00 Römische Musik und Kunst in der zweiten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts: Zur
Erfolgsgeschichte von Arcangelo Corelli
Christoph Timpe
16.30 Coffee break
17.00 Zu »Salve Regina«, »Te decus virgineum« und den Vertonungen von
Antonio Caldara
Warren Kirkendale
17.30 »Greatest that the world had ever known«: Giuseppe Sammartini
compositore e solista a Londra (1729–1750)
Mariateresa Dellaborra
Part 2
Thursday, 4th November 2010
09.00 am - 12.30 pm
DHI, Musikgeschichtliche Abteilung, Lesesaal
Program
09.00 Presenza inedita di Johann Christian Bach in alcune fonti napoletane
Annamaria Bonsante
09.30 Constanze Mozart als Nachlassverwalterin – kulturelles und
kommunikatives Handeln im europäischen Kontext
Gesa Finke
10.00 Neues zur Entstehung der »Biographie Wolfgang Amadeus Mozarts« von
Georg Nikolaus Nissen
Anja Morgenstern
10.30 Coffee break
11.00 Le sonate per fortepiano di L. van Beethoven: le edizioni curate da I.
Moscheles
Leonardo Miucci
11.30 Entzauberung der Musik. Beethoven, Schumann und die romantische
Ironie
Florian Kraemer
12.00 Migrazione e identità musicale: »Le Flibustier« di César Cui come
convergenza tra Europa e Russia
Vincenzina C. Ottomano
Part 3
Thursday, 4th November 2010
3.00 - 6.00 pm
DHI, Musikgeschichtliche Abteilung, Lesesaal
Program
15.00 Andreas Halléns Korrespondenz mit Hans Herrig – Ein Beitrag zu den
deutsch-schwedischen Kulturkontakten im späten 19. Jahrhundert
Martin Knust
15.30 Hector in Rom. Eine Analyse eigen- und fremdanamnestischer Berlioz-
Zeugnisse aus epileptologischer Sicht
Dirk Matthias Altenmüller
16.00 Harold in Rom. Eine Analyse von Berlioz’ »Marche des pélerins«
Christian Berger
16.30 Coffee break
17.00 Franco Evangelistis Klavierstück »Proiezioni sonore« im Kontext der
Darmstädter Schule
Joachim Junker
17.30 Überlegungen zum Belcanto im Werk von Hans-Joachim Hespos
Gordon Kampe
Abstracts
Sara Jeffe (Heidelberg): Claudio Monteverdi and the Sonnet
Since its beginnings in the early thirteenth century the sonnet has enjoyed an uninterrupted success story rivalled by hardly any other form of European poetry. Through the works of Francesco Petrarch, its popularity quickly spread across Italian-speaking areas of Europe. During the course of sixteenth-century Petrarchism the genre also reached England, France, and somewhat later German-speaking regions and other European countries where it is still cultivated today. The sonnet’s meaning for music is however no less important than its literary reception, which can be seen through the thousands of sonnet settings covering a range of musical genres such as the frottola, Italian madrigal, French chanson or German lied. A highpoint of the sonnet’s musical reception can be found with mid-sixteenth-century Italian madrigals, where it became the most important text genre for musical settings, preparing the way for the experimental works of composers including Rore, Wert and Marenzio.
The inflexible and asymmetrical strophic construction so characteristic of the sonnet has been particularly challenging for composers throughout many generations – something which is clearly evident in the wide-ranging diversity of their musical responses. The first settings of sonnets as frottola and early madrigals were based mainly upon formal considerations, whereas mid-sixteenth-century madrigal composers favoured the semantic elements of the poetry. When Claudio Monteverdi turned towards the sonnet at the beginning of the seventeenth century the sonnet as a serious and sophisticated genre had already been displaced by the more fashionable, lighter and shorter forms of contemporary poetry. This paper will discuss Monteverdi’s developing interest in the sonnet as a text source and consider how some of the works in his 6th madrigal book (1614) relate to earlier traditions of setting sonnets to music.
Judith Haug (Unterschleißheim): Musical and cultural identity in the notations of
'Alī Ufķī (Lwów ca. 1610 – Istanbul ca. 1675)
The Polish-born Ottoman court musician and interpreter ‘Alī Ufḳī (Wojciech Bobowski) has left – among various other works – three musical manuscripts, which allow singular insights into issues of musical identity. A collection of notated Ottoman vocal and instrumental music, a compendium containing musical notation as well as the most various kinds of texts, and the beginning of an Ottoman translation of the Genevan Psalter bear witness to transcultural processes between Europe and the Ottoman Empire during the 17th century.
The Psalms (F-Pbn Suppl. Turc 472), which were commissioned around 1665, clearly reveal ‘Alī Ufḳī’s two distinct but not necessarily conflicting identities. It was his task to mediate between two languages (as a translator), between two musical systems (by attributing every Genevan melody to a maḳām), and between two religions (by making the Calvinist hymnbook accessible for Muslims).
The compendium (F-Pbn Suppl. Turc 292, c. 1650) contains on 313 sheets the first known transcriptions of Ottoman music by an Ottoman musician in Western notation, European compositions (mainly spiritual songs), lute tablatures and various different texts in an astonishingly large number of languages. It gives extremely valuable insights into which kinds of music were current in Istanbul around 1650 and what was brought to the Ottoman capital on different pathways.
An involuntary migrant himself, ‘Alī Ufḳī received a comprehensive training in Ottoman music after having been educated in European music during his childhood. The European repertoire he wrote down came to him by migration of others – ambassadors, travellers or scholars. Not least, the fixation in writing of music that had hitherto been principally transmitted orally implies the definition of a certain identity of this music.
Christoph Timpe (Rom): Römische Musik und Kunst in der 2. Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts: Zur Erfolgsgeschichte von Arcangelo Corelli
Arcangelo Corellis Aufstieg vom Ripienisten zum Weltstar ist in der Musikgeschichte wohl einzigartig. Angesichts der musikalischen Hinterlassenschaft des Meisters stellte sich für die moderne Musikwissenschaft offenbar die Notwendigkeit zusätzlicher Analyse und Interpretation. Die Stellungnahmen reichen von unverhohlener Verständnislosigkeit bis zu dem Unterfangen, die künstlerische Leistung im Spiegel der zeitgenössischen Begeisterung einfangen zu wollen, wobei Ursache und Wirkung vertauscht, die erhoffte Erklärung für eben dieser Begeisterung jedoch schuldig geblieben wird. Die in der Literatur angeführten Rechtfertigungen für Corellis beispiellosen Erfolg, so zutreffend sie im Einzelnen auch sein mögen, hinterlassen doch den Eindruck, daß ihre Summe dem Phänomen nicht wirklich gerecht wird.
Die Frage lautet also: Welches Bedürfnis, welche Erwartung war es denn, die Corelli so meisterhaft zu erfüllen verstand?
Corelli kam zu einer Zeit nach Rom, als römische Kunst zu einem international verbindlichen Stil wurde. Basis dieser Austrahlung waren die Schöpfungen von Künstlern wie Bernini, Borromini und Pietro da Cortona, begünstigt durch den Enthusiasmus und die Mittel der Päpste bis einschließlich Alexander VII. Die einsetzende Internationalisierung förderte nun die repräsentativen Qualitäten und forderte eine größere, aber auch gröbere Ausdrucksweise. Gleichzeitig propagiert die intellektuelle Diskussion Klarheit, Übersichtlichkeit und Natürlichkeit als künstlerische Zielsetzung.
Anhand der zeitgenössischen Diskussion und an vergleichenden Beispielen von Kirchenfassaden und Grabdenkmälern werden die Erwartungen deutlich, mit denen die künstlerische Produktion in Rom kurz vor und um 1700 beurteilt wurde.
Vor diesem Hintergrund wird verständlich, wie die Musik Corellis die soeben entstandenen Vorstellungen und Erwartungen in einzigartiger Weise befriedigen konnte, und zwar durch ihre Wirkung, nicht durch die Summe ihrer kompositorischen Qualitäten.
Warren Kirkendale (Rom): Die Marienantiphonen »Salve Regina«, »Te decus virgineum« und Antonio Caldara
Für die Musikwissenschaft wenig ausgewertet bleib die reiche liturgiewissenschaftliche Literatur, vorhanden in so vielen kirchlichen Bibliotheken in Rom. Damit wurde es möglich, die Bibliographie des Salve Regina in Musik- und Kirchenlexika um ein zehnfaches zu vermehren. Forschung zum barocken Salve fehlt fast vollständig, obwohl der Text in der Epoche mehr vertont wurde als die Messe selbst. RISM verzeichnet ca. 4.000 Quellen. Als Kommentar zu meiner im Druck befindlichen Edition von den beiden obengenannten vortrefflichen Antiphonen in der Santini-Bibliothek zu Münster habe ich Gelegenheit gehabt, eine kurze Skizze zu verfassen über den Ursprung des gregorianischen Salve, seine unsichere Autorschaft, seine liturgische Funktionen und Verbreitung, seinen Text, und einige Bemerkungen zu einer Vertonung durch Caldara.
Für Te decus virgineum andererseits, verzeichnet RISM nur zwei Vertonungen: diejenigen von Caldara. Dieser Text befindet sich schon in einem Benediktinerantiphonar des 12. Jahrhundert, aber danach fast ausschließlich in Quellen der Carmelitaner. Seine Abwesenheit im römischen Ritus erklärt den Mangel an Vertonungen. Aber nicht nur Caldara, sondern auch Händel haben ihn in Musik gesetzt, zusammen mit einer anderen Marienantiphon, Haec est Regina virginum, für die Liturgie der Carmelitaner in ihrer Kirche S. Maria di Montesanto auf der Piazza del Popolo unter dem Patronat des Kardinals Carlo Colonna. Es sind die Antiphonen, welche die ersten beiden der fünf »Salmi laudate« einführen, die bisher als ein venezianisches Monopol angesehen wurden.
Ein Teil des besprochenen Salve Regina wird gehört – eine unveröffentlichte Aufführung durch Rudolf Ewerhart, den wir 1959 vom Westdeutschen Rundfunk aufgenommen haben. Es nimmt fast Mozart voraus, obwohl es ca. 40 Jahre vor dessen Geburt komponiert wurde
Am Schluß ein paar Bewerkungen zu Caldaras »Mobilität und musikalischer Wandel«
Mariateresa Dellaborra (Voghera): »Greatest that the world had ever known«: Giuseppe Sammartini composer and solist in London (1729–1750)
Giuseppe Sammartini, son of an accomplished musician and elder brother of Giovanni Battista, begins his activity as an oboist in Italy, but from 1728 on he moves first to Brussels and then to London where he makes his debut at Hickford's Room. He enjoys Händel's and Bononcini's respect and excites Burney's, Hawkins's and Quantz's admiration; after performing for various institutions (Lincoln's Inn Fields, Swan and Castle Concerts, King's Theatre, Haymarket Theatre) and after holding important positions in the London musical scene (Master of Hickford's Room's concerts from 1732 until 1733; member of the orchestra of the Opera of the Nobility from 1734 to 1736; member of the Royal Society of Musicians), in 1736 he is appointed music teacher of Frederick, the Prince of Wales, devoting himself mainly to composition.
In addition to ascertaining the exact period when the author moved to Brussels, by means of newly discovered documents, and investigating the relationships he formed in London, I intend to illustrate the role played by the musician within the English musical world, in order to determine the peculiar stylistical features of the famous composer »St. Martin of London«, who excited the admiration of Hawkins - »He was an admirable composer, and, for instrumental music, may, without injury to either, be classed with Corelli and Geminiani« - and Burney, who defined him as »full of science originality, and fire«.
I will be investigating particularly the printed works, which still circulated and were reprinted for a long time after the musician's death, and which are already known but have not been adequately studied yet -with the exception of some pages for oboe-, as well as the instrumental manuscripts, the few compositions for the theatre, and finally the cantatas for solo voice, which I have recently analysed, and which I intend to compare to similar compositions by Italian and non-Italian authors working in London in the same years. In addition to the strictly musical aspects, I am going to present quotations from gazettes and from coeval correspondences that have only recently been discovered.
Annamaria Bonsante (Bari): Johann Christian Bach's unpublished presence in some Neapolitan sources
The authorship of the music that forms the wide heritage of the "Neapolitan school" is not always certain. The most notable cases include wrong attributions as well as unfair misappropriations by eighteenth-century maestri such as Pergolesi and Durante. Such confusions about the authorship are not only verified in the nineteenth century (the century that fostered falsifications) but are rooted in the European entertainment music system of the eighteenth century. Within the network resulting from the commercial needs, the widespread preference for a given author and a homogeneous stylistic vocabulary, composers, copyists and publishers fall into error or the temptation thereof.
This current research, based on music archives of convents of the Reign of Naples, aims to attribute the legitimate authorship of some pieces by , Johann Christian Bach (first of all a single voice motet, woodwinds, strings and continuo) and to present unknown testimonies of the maestro's famous works. The composer's catalogue might be improved and enhanced following these discoveries.
This is a necessarily cautious approach since it concerns one of the most frequently plagiarized composers whose authorship is one of the most difficult to be attributed. On the strength of the cautious knowledge of those who edited the Londoner's opera omnia having studied his career and success in depth, we have a lot of data which, in combination with the fact of having put together his scores and progressively investigated the contexts in which the manuscripts were found, appear to support us in the delicate attribution of the authorship pertaining to the eighteenth century.
Gesa Finke (Oldenburg): Constanze Mozart als Nachlassverwalterin - kulturelles und kommunikatives Handeln im europäischen Kontext
After Wolfgang Amadé Mozart's had died, Constanze Mozart saw it as her task to promote his name and his works for more than 50 years of her life. Her various activities as a widow have particular functions and consequences for memorial cultures which are yet to be analysed. Constanze Mozart cooperated with publishers for a complete edition of his works, which was supposed to offer the material basis for the performance of Mozart's work in the future, thus establishing a kind of mediated, cultural »long term« memory according to Aleida and Jan Assmann. Of further relevance for cultural memory is also the biography for which she collected documents with her second husband Georg Nikolaus Nissen, and which she edited in 1828. With this biography, source material was published for the first time. Constanze Mozart was also interested in installing a particular view on Mozart as a composer, as well as giving way to canonizing his music.
Besides these strategies for a long term memory, she also gave concerts which have communicative functions and aspects of cultural transfer. Constanze Mozart gave musical circles in Vienna around 1800 and later in Copenhagen. Her first idea, however, was a tour of concerts through Europe in 1795 and 1796, in which she performed herself as a singer. The presentation focuses on her way of travel and the works she performed, the people she connected with and asks how she served as a cultural mediator which gave the history of the early Mozart reception a European outlook.
Anja Morgenstern (Salzburg): New aspects in the genesis of Georg Nikolaus Nissen's »Biographie Wolfgang Amadeus Mozarts«
In 1828 the Biographie Wolfgang Amadeus Mozarts, prepared by Georg Nikolaus Nissen, the second husband of Constanze Mozart, was published by Breitkopf & Härtel. Despite all its insufficiency, this work warrants merit as the first extensive biography of Mozart; its value lies in its use of primary sources, especially in the use of family correspondence. Nissen died, however, in March 1826 during work on the biography before it was finally completed.
Constanze Mozart first apealed to Anton Jähndl, a choir director living in Salzburg, to complete the biography. Later, she placed the manuscript in the hands of the physician and music lover Johann Heinrich Feuerstein in Pirna for final editing. The question which now may be posed is in which phase did Nissen actually leave the biography and to what extent other individuals, also individuals not mentioned thus far, were involved in its completion. These issues have not yet been thoroughly examined in the literature.
Within the context of source evaluation during the preparation of the Digital Mozart-Edition it was fortunately possible to target these questions. The Stiftung Mozarteum Salzburg possesses not only the complete manuscript of the biography which was submitted as the engraver’s copy for printing but numerous handwritten sources from the Nissen collection (»Nissen-Kollektaneen«) as well which are reflected to varying extents in the engraver’s copy. By identifying the different hands visible in the book manuscript and in the various sources from the Nissen collection, it was possible to reconsider and reappraise the roll of the various authors and editors of the manuscript. This examination also utilizes more than 25 previously unknown letters from Breitkopf & Härtel to Feuerstein and other individuals which were found in the letter registers (»Kopierbücher«) of the publisher (Staatsarchiv Leipzig) allowing insight into the printing process of the biography.
Leonardo Miucci (Bern): Le sonate per fortepiano di Ludwig van Beethoven: le edizioni curate da Ignaz Moscheles
Only after Beethoven’s death did complete editions of his piano sonatas begin to emerge in the European editorial market. Besides them Ignaz Moscheles published two different collections: the first one for the English publisher Cramer & Co. (1830'); the second was released on the German market by the Stuttgart publisher Hallberger (late 1850's). The analysis of these editions is of remarkable interest for the exegesis and performance of Beethoven's sonatas. For example, with respect to the articulation markings, pedaling and interpretation markings in general it can be proven that what Beethoven actually wrote down was only a partial indication of his intentions (this is true, above all, for the earlier part of his fortepiano output). This is understandable considering the limited keyboard range and specific expressive possibilities of the early fortepiano. The sources, for example, confirm that Beethoven habitually used the resonance pedal much more frequently than he notated in the score. The new instrument of the first two decades of the 19th century created other expressive possibilities and this was one of the reasons why Beethoven tried on more than one occasion to publish the whole corpus of his piano sonatas; his intention was to update them in keeping with the new instrumental possibilities, in particular the tone quality and larger keyboard range. This was the principal idea inspiring the editions by Moscheles: the Bohemian composer adapted the Beethovenian text in relation to the new semiotic indications which were available at that time and which were used by Beethoven himself when he performed or taught (giving us precious information about metronomic, pedalling and interpretation markings). Moscheles’ work substantially enriches our knowledge about Beethoven's performance practice, offering direct contact with the composer’s intentions.
Florian Kraemer (Köln): Disenchantment of music. Beethoven, Schumann and Romantic Irony.
Unlike the notion of »comic« or »humorous« music, the concept of »Irony« has been used rather sparingly for descriptions of 19th century instrumental music, especially in musicology of the German-speaking countries. Yet this concept might hold quite a considerable potential for music historiography. Similar to literature, a self-reflexive tendency of art putting its own conditions at stake could be regarded as a significant indication of modernism in music history. In this context, the concept of Romantic Irony refers to illusion-disrupting techniques in Narrative, Lyric and Theatre, by means of which the artwork calls into question the borders of its aesthetic existence, thus using the problem of aesthetic expression itself as an object of aesthetic expression.
Some 19th century critics were in fact well aware of ironic disruptions of instrumental music in this sense. Robert Schumann for example associated a passage in Beethoven's string quintet op.29 with a playwright entering his own play. Furthermore, Franz Brendel's comparison between the »Irony« in Schumann's piano works and Heinrich Heine's lyric was surely not meant to be accidental.
In order to formulate a methodically convincing concept of »Romantic Irony« in instrumental music, one however has to define this concept independently of individual arts (i.e. Literature) and to provide appropriate criteria of music analysis. A critical case study on examples by Beethoven and Schumann may discuss the merits of the concept of Romantic Irony in interpreting musical works.
Vincenzina C. Ottomano (Bern): Migration and musical identity: César Cui's Le Filibustier as a point of convergence between East and West
From the second half of the 19th century the West began to take a considerable interest in Russian music. This took various forms, from the expanding circulation of operas and other compositions to the authentic cult status of musicians who increasingly made their mark in Western capital cities (Anton Rubinstein in Berlin, Piotr Il'ič Tchaikovsky in Hamburg, César Cui and Igor Stravinsky in Paris).
The experience of the composer César Cui is particularly revealing of the close link that exists between cultural migration and the conservation of a national identity. In his case we see someone who was perfectly integrated into the reality of the European context, namely fin de siècle Paris.
In 1888 Cui attended a performance of a play by Jean Richepin entitled Le Flibustier. Overwhelmed by the experience, he immediately asked the author’s permission to set the play to music. The result, a perfect blend of the French theatrical tradition and Russian dramaturgy, was sensational. As Paul Dukas recorded, for the first time »M. Cui a mis en musique Le Flibustier sans rien changer au texte de M. de Richepin. Il est, on le conçoit, fort difficile de juger complètement du mérite d’ouvrages dont le principe repose sur une parfaite concordance de l’expression poétique et de l’expression musicale«. This marked the emergence in Western Europe of a first example of Literaturoper.
This opera by César Cui, which to date has never been studied, can rightfully be seen as the missing link between the experiments of the fledging Russian school of opera composers, with Mussorgsky in particular, and the new trends in European musical theatre. The period stretching from the end of the 19th to the middle of the 20th century saw the fruition of Literaturopern (one can think of Debussy, Mascagni, Strauss) and the major advance of opera librettos written in prose. It also reveals a complete convergence and extraordinary continuity between the musical worlds of East and West.
Martin Knust (Stockholm): Andreas Halléns letters to Hans Herrig - A contribution to the cultural contacts between Germany and Sweden in the late 19th century
Andreas Hallén (1846 – 1925), the »Swedish Wagner«, had a musical career which can be regarded as representative for a Nordic composer of the late 19th and early 20th century. After having studied music in Germany he returned to his home country to become a well known composer, critic, academic teacher and organiser of music. How his relations with Germany developed between the 1870s and 1890s is documented by his correspondence with Hans Herrig (1845 – 1892) who was the German librettist of Hallén’s first opera »Harald der Viking« and his most important contact person on the continent. This correspondence became last year for the first time accessible for research. It reveals of course in the first line many details about the genesis and promotion of »Harald«. Moreover it shows also that Hallén had high ambitions to gain reputation as a composer in Germany. His aim basically was to establish himself as a composer of orchestral music there and, as he clearly states in the correspondence, to leave Sweden for good. This fact was hitherto unknown. The strategy which he used to realise this aim was quite reflected even though his plans in the very end came to nothing. Finally, the question will be handled if and how the relations between Nordic composers and the
Dirk-Matthias Altenmüller (Freiburg): Hector in Rom. Eine Analyse eigen- und fremdanamnestischer Berlioz-Zeugnisse aus epileptologischer Sicht
Nach dem Gewinn des Rom-Preises im Juli 1830 legte Hector Berlioz ein ärztliches Attest vor, das ihm »nervöse Affektionen« bescheinigte; dieser Krankheitszustand nehme während des Sommers und unter dem Einfluss der Sonne zu. Er selbst schrieb wenige Wochen vor seinem Eintreffen in Rom im Frühjahr 1831 von einem »mystère d’un chagrin affreux«, worüber er nicht offen sprechen könne. Auch fällt in seinen Mémoires die differenzierte Beschreibung einer »grausamen Erkrankung« mit zwei unterschiedlichen Manifestationsformen nicht zufällig in die Periode seines Akademie-Aufenthaltes in Rom.
Anhand einer Fülle weiterer zeitgenössischer Quellen lässt sich die Diagnose einer Epilepsie mit spezifischen Provokationsfaktoren bei Berlioz belegen. Die Auseinandersetzung mit dieser Krankheit hat ihn gerade in Rom in besonderem Ausmaß beschäftigt und sein kompositorisches Werk nachweislich beeinflusst.
Christian Berger (Freiburg): Harold in Rom. Eine Analyse von Berlioz' »Marche des pélerins«
Der Rom-Aufenthalt Hector Berlioz’ gehört zu den schwierigsten Perioden seines Lebens, zugleich fällt er in eine unglaublich produktive Zeit. Davon legt nicht zuletzt die Sinfonie »Harold en Italie« beredtes Zeugnis ab. Der Beitrag möchte eine Analyse des 2. Satzes vor dem Hintergrund der biographischen Erlebnisse Berlioz’ in Rom versuchen, wobei zwei Auseinandersetzungen im Vordergrund stehen, die in diesem Werk produktiv umgesetzt werden: seine Krankheit, wie sie von Dirk-Matthias Altenmüller beschrieben wird, und die Begegnung mit der »Alten Musik« im emphatischen Sinne im Petersdom. Beides verarbeitet Berlioz auf produktive Weise in diesem Werk, so daß es weit über den biographischen Anlaß hinaus an künstlerischer Bedeutung gewinnt.
Joachim Junker (Kaiserslautern): Franco Evangelisti's piano piece »Proiezioni sonore« in the context of the Darmstadt School
The Roman composer Franco Evangelisti is holding a special position among the protagonists of the »Darmstadt School«. In comparison with his contemporaries Pierre Boulez or Karlheinz Stockhausen e.g., Evangelisti avoided mostly the complete rational control of a compositional structural planning and included chance operation in his works from the beginning. On the other hand, he opposed the aleatoric tendencies of the 1950s by keeping serial techniques that would allow liberty to a certain degree. He finally turned towards improvisation and wrote theoretical texts, in which he contemplated about possible sound concepts in the future of music.
In the piano piece Proiezioni sonore from 1955/56, Evangelisti noticeably tries to find his own status within the Darmstadt School. The composition, dedicated to Karlheinz Stockhausen by the way, consists of isolated and partially brutal and violent »sound events« that are chained to each other by moments of silence. Thus, the composition reminds considerably of Stockhausens Klavierstück X from 1954, which was first performed only in 1961 in its revised version.
At the beginning of the lecture, means of rational compositional control in Proiezioni sonore as well as forming elements that are left to chance will be examined through detailed analysis. Thereafter, Proiezioni sonore will be quintessentially compared with Klavierstück X by Stockhausen, a piece in which the aleatoric method, used in Klavierstück XI from 1956, does not yet play any role.
To summarize: The lecture aims to critically question the relationship of Evangelisti with the Damstadt School and to illuminate the poles of tension in his oeuvre: group style versus individual style.
continent have changed since Hallén’s days – or maybe even not.
Gordon Kampe (Osnabrück): »Belcanto« in musiy by Hans-Joachim Hespos
For Hans-Joachim Hespos singing is not only the expression of the human voice. Singing means an existential expression of the human being, which is very similar to the human metabolism. Hespos said that composing and singing to him, is like breathing, loving, laughing, crying. Although Hans-Joachim Hespos is well known as a radical and non-conform composer, there are - especially in some works for voice and instruments - some marked similarities between his use of the human voice and the tradition of belcanto, which I want to point out.